Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Hi there from Airplane Central:

Please Don’t Forget We Are Not Far From

The Landing Of The

New Jefferson Starship Book

“HAVE YOU SEEN THE STARS TONITE”

How is the week going?  It's almost the best time of the seven day period.  Free moments for you.

To get us there we have a gem that is often overlooked.

In November of 1970 (the 5th to be exact) Derek & The Dominos were invited to perform on the Johnny Cash Show.  Johnny and Carl Perkins join in for a version of the great tune Matchbox.

Derek & The Dominos

Matchbox

Johnny Cash Show

November 5, 1979

11/5/70

It is yours to explore as we fly toward the weekend.

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/media/JeffersonAirplaneTakeMeToACircusTentAircast64derekhasnewfriends.mp3

Have a great Airplane day,

CF

The Landing Of The

New Jefferson Starship Book

“HAVE YOU SEEN THE STARS TONITE”

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE- JEFFERSON STARSHIP-

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll

Airplane

style.

Hello there:

Welcome to the Airplane Photo op. A chance to check out numerous and always growing rare photos of the 60's and 70's rockers we grew up with. On the flight we call Thursday Rock it is:

Mark Bolan

Chuck Berry

Eric Clapton

Robert Plant

Steve Winwood (Traffic)

Tim Buckley

Skip Spence from Moby Grape 68

Keith Relf Yardbirds

You fly here:

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net

When you touch down please look to the left. There will be a total of 9 photo sections (1 is for Great Society pictures). Enter J. Airshow #8 and see the numerous additions of late and please check the ones from the past. A great way to see 40 years of rock and roll in a day!

Enjoy the festival of memories.

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several. Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Have a fantastic Thursday,

CF

Trópico - Uma nação se faz com homens e best sellers. Por esta razão, livros como “1968 - O Ano Que Não Terminou (1ª edição de 1988), de Zuenir Ventura, não podem ser ignorados: são obras que têm o alcance popular que este livro teve que fundam as leituras comuns do passado, pontos de partida para que as diferentes opiniões sobre fatos históricos possam disputar suas interpretações no jogo das idéias com um mínimo denominador comum.É o que faz a grandeza e a miséria desses livros que pautam outras manifestações da indústria cultural -novelas, minisséries, reportagens em revistas semanais etc., atingindo também os não-leitores diretos da obra.

“1968 - O Que Fizemos de Nós”, a continuação agora lançada com a reedição do livro-reportagem de sucesso, não resulta num complemento da obra original. Em vez disso, torna evidente a necessidade de superar a leitura que formou uma geração de admiradores brasileiros do ano de 1968. Continua aqui.

Dale Soppe, 72, of Fairfield, Iowa, was sentenced to 60 days in jail, followed by two years of probation, after pleading guilty to a charge of fourth-degree sexual assault in a plea deal.

Authorities said one of Soppe's former students accused Soppe of molesting him in 1968 and 1969 when he was 13. The former student said it started in the Western Dubuque School District in Epworth, Iowa, and continued the next year in Barron County [Wisconsin]. ...

 Prima variantă a textului  datează din 2001. Atunci scriam :

+ Pe de o parte vedem atelajul acelora care vor să ne convingă de faptul că între 30 decembrie 1947 şi până acum, eventual cu o concesie făcută pentru 22 decembrie 1989, pe teritoriul acestei ţări uitate de Dumnezeu s-ar fi instaurat un hiatus existenţial aproape total, că România, dacă ea a mai fost dincolo de textele clasicilor noştri în Limba Română, ar fi existat numai prin actul rezistenţei înarmate din munţi, cât se poate de reale şi cu legende homerice care nu au fost scrise din păcate niciodată, pentru că barzii lor au murit, prin suferinţele de nedescris ale deţinutilor politici şi înălţătoarea lor perseverare de a menţine într-un spaţiu al creierului şi al limbajului cotidian conceptele şi abstracţiunile româneşti adunate până atunci, ‘delicatese’ ale spiritului pe care oportuniştii români, de orice nivel, nu au putut să le ingurgiteze niciodată, pur şi simplu pentru că aleseseră, liberi şi nesiliţi de nimeni, să fie comunişti, apoi al “dizidenţei”, să-i zicem şi aşa, între ghilimelele de rigoare, unora dintre oportuniştii ce ajungeau să nu mai fie mulţumiţi de avantajele prin care au fost atraşi iniţial în atât de imbecilizanta structură cu şedinţe lunare, ori erau mai dese?, de spălare a creierelor, ori prin difuzia, aleatoare ca orice difuzie, fugarilor români într-o diaspora despre care presupusesem până atunci că era doar rezervaţia altor naţii, veşnic rătăcitoare în colbul lumii.

Celălalt atelaj, să-i spunem al “republicanilor”, vrea să ne convingă că RPR-ul şi-ar fi avut începutul nu între 23 august 1944 şi 30 decembrie 1947, ci cu un veac mai devreme, între elanul revoluţionar autentic al paşoptiştilor şi alegerea lui Alexandru Ioan Cuza pe tronul Munteniei. Ei vor să ne determine să uităm că “monstruoasa coaliţie” a fost o acţiune de o luciditate extremă a politicienilor români de atunci, care ştiau că puterile lumii erau absolut conştiente de artificiul alegerii din 24 ianuarie 1859, incontestabil forţată de mulţimea de patrioţi unionişti desemnaţi de adunările din judeţele ţării şi care ajunseseră până la Bucureşti mergând pe jos, purtând o brumă de merinde în trăistuţă, dar, aşa cum am spune noi acum, într-un ‘timing’ perfect, într-o sincronizare ce arăta duşmanilor noştri dinlăuntru organizarea excepţională a celor care ştiau cum să iubească această naţie. Acea coordonare în acţiunea comună între oamenii obişnuiţi după  normele acelor timpuri, dar extrem de neobişnuiţi, într-adevăr, după  ’standardele’ actuale care îl califică pe aristocraticul Radu Chesaru drept un ‘ciudat’, face oarecum nedrept diminutivul ‘Unirea cea mică’ dat sărbătorii din 24 ianuarie. Ea este ‘Unirea cea mare’! Modelul acela de cooperare umană a servit ca sursă de inspiraţie pentru romanul ‘Toate pânzele sus!’, care nouă, sufleteşte vorbind, chiar ni se pare ştiinţifico- fantastic, scris, vă reamintesc, de Radu Tudoran, sub a cărui pană construcţia corăbiei ‘Speranţa” semnifică speranţa, imensă însă realistă în acele vremuri, întru şi pentru clădirea României moderne.  Hotărârea divanurilor ad-hoc, care fuseseră în fapt prima adunare constituantă ce votase într-un mod irevocabil şi indelebil în faţa tuturor contorsionărilor interne produse de evenimentele din exteriorul nostru, atât de puternice şi lucrând de cele mai multe ori chiar împotriva dreptului nostru natural de a mai consuma oxigenul de pe planetă vorbind româneşte, forma de organizare statală  a României moderne, prin aducerea unui prinţ străin, bineînţeles din Occidentul Europei, pe tronul Principatelor Române, acţionase prin ‘lovitura de stat’ ce îl înlăturase pe A.I. Cuza, determinând astfel încetarea statutului factice al unirii pasagere, chiar dacă sincere şi incomensurabile pentru noi, prin întronarea aceluiaşi domnitor pământean în cele două  principate dunărene. Iar dinastia de România, inaugurată de Carol I, şi-a arătat adecvarea pentru că prinţii săi şi-au înţeles menirea, desigur, doar atunci când evenimentele externe îşi mai păstrau raţionalitatea.Nu este mai puţin adevărat că  şi ‘republica de la 30 decembrie’, de ce 30 decembrie?, doar pentru a coincide cu ziua de naştere a URSS -ului, şi a pregăti, într-o eventualitate cominformist gândită, aderarea RPR -ului la acea ‘Uniune a republicilor’ estice a cărei atracţie perenă ne va absorbi poate ca un black hole după realizarea oleoducului american ce va traversa Afganistanul purtând petrolul de la Marea Caspică  înspre un ţărm mai sudic, a primit o binecuvântare şi o încuviinţare la fel de istorice, prin vizita lui Charles de Gaulle în România, în luminoasa dacă nu chiar fericita primăvară din 1968 ce părea deschisă tuturor speranţelor noastre.

Neîndoios, cuvântarea generalului de Gaulle în faţa deputaţilor români, a căror calitate intelectuală  nu era chiar cu nimic inferioară  celei a parlamentarilor de acum, a fost cel mai inteligent dintre discursurile pronunţate vreodată  în faţa Marii Adunări Naţionale, discurs ce legitima, vrem nu vrem să admitem aceasta, chiar acea formă de adunare supremă în statul român de atunci, şi doar în acest fel trebuie să înţelegem insistenţa lui Nicolae Ceauşescu pe fraza “Nu răspund decât în faţa Marii Adunări Naţionale!”, de care s-a rîs şi probabil că se va mai rîde copios încă multă vreme.

În fine, să încercăm să uităm crimele perfecte, deşi ele conţin toată substanţa care îi fascinează pe scriitori, şi nu mă refer aici doar la autorii de romane poliţiste. În “Memoirs d’Espoir”, Charles de Gaulle îşi declara în modul cel mai categoric opoziţia la oricare tentativă de continuare iresponsabilă a politicilor partidelor de dinainte de război, acelea care au dus de fapt la marele debaclu al Franţei, ce a antrenat, printr-un efect de domino, mai adăugăm noi, şi debaclul României, în care stagnăm, în ciuda ‘revoluţiei’. Nu -i mai puţin adevărat că şi politica ţărăniştilor, un partid de stânga, ce a câştigat pentru România de la ruşi o minusculă parte a tezaurului, dar a pierdut Basarabia, nordul Bucovinei, Herţa şi apoi către bulgari Cadrilaterul, prin neglijarea totală  o forţei militare a ţării, să amintim numai faimoasa renunţare a lui Nicolae Titulescu la material militar din Franţa în favoarea Spaniei republicane, acţionând deci chiar împotriva tradiţiei monarhice spaniole!, tradiţie susţinută de generalul Franco, a fost la fel de vinovată. Vizita lui de Gaulle în ţara noastră afirma, pe de o parte, că soarta României continua să fie legată de politica Franţei, pe de altă parte că schimbările ce avuseseră  loc în România, chiar integrată lagărului comunist, erau, cel puţin în acel moment, pe o linie favorabilă  intereselor Franţei. Din punctul de vedere al lui Nicolae Ceauşescu, aceasta era o incontestabilă confirmare a succesului politicii sale prezidenţiale. Putem să bănuim că intenţia de confirmare a succesului politicii preşedintelui României fusese şi în planurile politicii răsăritene a lui Charles de Gaulle. Să privim faptele brute. Prima vizită de stat a lui de Gaulle la un dictator european autoritar avusese loc în Spania franchistă. Noi suntem absolut convinşi de uriaşa statură de om politic a generalului Charles de Gaulle. Însă destul de bizar, în ceea ce priveşte propriile opinii ale lui de Gaulle, acesta îl considera pe generalul Franco drept cel mai mare om politic european al timpului său. Cum a fost Franco real, cel atât de detestat de un geniu al diplomaţiei precum Nicolae Titulescu ? Să apelăm la un citat din opera unuia dintre faimoşii săi contemporani. În memoriile sale, pentru care a primit Nobelul literar, Winston Churchill scria, cu intenţia declarată de a-l înnegri cât mai mult pe dictatorul spaniol în faţa opiniei publice ‘progresiste’ : “Franco este un personaj cu ochelari de cal. El nu este în stare să vadă în faţa ochilor lui decât un singur lucru : Apărarea intereselor spaniolilor.” La începutul politicii sale, şi Nicolae Ceauşescu părea a fi sincer şi în întregime dedicat apărării intereselor supreme ale românilor.

Charles de Gaulle trebuie să fi fost tentat de vizita în România numai pentru a încuraja componenta dictatorială de tip franchist din politica lui Nicolae Ceauşescu. Acea vizită istorică  a liderului Franţei în România republicană, şi repet ideea mea că România ca statalitate diplomatic recunoscută, „la Roumanie”,  a fost într-o foarte mare măsură o invenţie franceză  din secolul XIX, trasează pentru noi şi jaloanele după care putem să judecăm succesul politicii prezidenţiale româneşti. Să-l judecăm după aceste norme şi pe actualul preşedinte al României.  Preşedintele  Ion Iliescu  a urmat o carieră politică post-decembristă, de cele mai multe ori, la începuturi, contrariantă. Domnul Octavian Paler, în a cărui totală luciditate am crezut multă vreme, a instilat prin editorialele sale virulente însă impecabil argumentate, publicate pe vremuri în ziarul ‘România liberă’, opinia că domnul Ion Iliescu ar fi fost cel care a organizat sinistra joaca de-a teroriştii, pentru a-şi consolida puterea. Abia în anul 1998 au apărut suficiente date în presa de la noi, care îl disculpă; în lumina lor, ar fi o naivitate derizorie perseverarea în a crede că acel Ion Iliescu s-a jucat de-a teroriştii. Ar însemna să-i atribui abilitatea unui geniu al răului, de felul unui Ossama Bin Ladin. Iar Ion Iliescu este departe de a fi aşa ceva. Pe de altă parte, este şi amuzant acest Ion Iliescu, în convingerea senină a domniei-sale  că este un revoluţionar de la ‘89. Domnul Ion Iliescu a înfăptuit primul său act cu adevărat revoluţionar pentru naţiunea română, şi poate că şi pentru el, ţinând seama că provenea dintr-un partid comunist, abia în anul 1996, atunci când a predat, într-un stil absolut exemplar, caracteristic unui stat democrat, puterea unui preşedinte care se revendica de dreapta. Apoi, să amintim tranziţia istorică în limbajul prezidenţial, anume folosirea adresării cu ‘Majestate’ faţă de regele Mihai I; fără îndoială, Ion Iliescu, acela de astăzi, a ajuns să fie un politician desăvârşit. În fine, chiar şi ‘Afacerea Costea’, atât de lamentabil instrumentată, i-a făcut până la urmă un serviciu domnului Ion Iliescu ; ea a arătat cât de uşor poate să fie ‘îmbrobodit’ acest om politic, totuşi politicianul post-Ceauşescu bucurându-se de cea mai mare carismă, fără nici un fel de supralicitare.Domnul Ion Iliescu mai declara în public că este sedus de ‘modelul spaniol’, însă acela post- franchist. Câştigul său în carismă ar fi fost cu mult mai mare dacă ar fi inclus ultimii ani ai epocii Franco în această ‘paradigmă spaniolă’. Mă refer la intensificarea acelei componente de tip franchist care a putut asigura stabilitatea şi succesul Spaniei monarhice de astăzi. Tentative se vedeau la un moment dat, ori cel puţin nouă ne place să interpretăm în felul acesta unele dintre gesturile sale. Succesul total al politicii sale prezidenţiale ar fi fost asigurat numai printr-o determinare de tip franchist, de racordare a politicii sale interne pe termen mai lung la tradiţie, la hotărârea divanurilor ad-hoc din secolul XIX, cele care au decis statalitatea monarhică a României. Ion Iliescu a spus odată : “Un despot luminat ar putea îndeplini un rol util în România”. Ciudat, dar aici Ion Iliescu şi Radu Mihai Chesaru se întâlneau pe acelaşi teren, în aceeaşi epocă, pierdutul nostru veac al XVIII-lea, furat de fanarioţi; oricum, cei doi nu erau singurii care credeau că secolul luminilor ar fi undeva înaintea noastră. Am putea oare decela în aceasta frază un Ion Iliescu personaj cu ascunse simpatii de dreapta? Continuarea cu un rege tînăr al Casei de România, pe care nu îl văd cu nici un chip, Doamne fereşte!, ca pe un ‘despot’, focul şi cenuşa secolului al XVIII nu trebuie în nici un caz percepute aşa, ar fi un act extrem de temerar, în mare măsură chiar riscant, pe care numai un abil politician al echilibrului, aşa cum este Ion Iliescu, ori aşa cum ar  evolua Ion Iliescu până la finalul ultimului său mandat prezidenţial, l -ar fi putut realiza. Câştigul personal, ca imagine,  ar fi trecerea accentului de la respectul popular pentru congenialitatea sa, la intrarea în istorie prin autoritatea genialităţii sale de om politic.+ 

Era un scenariu ipotetic. Ion Iliescu a ales stagnarea în congenialitate.

Titus Filipas

*am reactualizat acest post, pentru că tag –ul Radu Chesaru nu îl mai prinde

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Please Don’t Forget We Are Not Far From

The Landing Of The

New Jefferson Starship Book

“HAVE YOU SEEN THE STARS TONITE”

Welcome to the Airplane Universe:

Thanks for climbing aboard the flight.  Great stuff from the Rock Tent Vaults for you.

How about 2 Airplane live tracks that didn't get recorded by the band.

If you fly here:

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/media/JeffersonAirplaneTakeMeToACircusTentAircast64thisoldheartfindsastarship.mp3

This Old Heart Of Mine

Starship

Enjoy the sounds and the memories.

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Hope the day will be great,

cf

ny mag 40th anniversary

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Hi there from Airplane Land:

July 15th, 2008

12:01 AM Eastern Airplane Time

Update Update UPDATE

Greetings from Airplane Control:

Please remember the new Jefferson Starship book

is not too far away!

How are things going?  Are gas prices going up in your section of the plane?  I had to fill the tank yesterday and it cost more than a 75 inch televsion.

A great one from the vaults and it isn't that old.  It rocks.  What if Ringo Starr could play one from the Beatles and one from his friend Mr. John Lennon for you?

Board the flight and it is a reality:

Liverpool Echo Arena Jan 12, 2008

Ringo Starr plays With A Little Help From My Friends and

POWER TO THE PEOPLE

It's all here in free-flight enjoy!

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/media/JeffersonAirplaneTakeMeToACircusTentAircast64beatlesfromthevaultsringohasthepower.mp3

Climb aboard and rock and roll!

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Wishing you the best day,

CF

will be landing!!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE- JEFFERSON STARSHIP-

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Welcome to the Air Deck Patrol for Monday:

Was the weekend nice?  Thanks for the cool airmails how much you enjoyed the

photos from the other day.  You can check out way over 100 of them when you land.

Speaking of landing!

There are more great photos from the Ralph Temple collection.
Photos not to be used without his written consent.
1 Tommy Bolin (unknown year)
2 Alan Wilson Canned Heat 1970
3 Alan Wilson Canned Heat 1970
4 Bob Hite Canned Heat 1970
5 Chuck Berry and Julian Lennon 1986
6 Peter Gabriel circa 1982/1983
7 Steve Marriott Humble Pie unknown year
8 Nancy Nevins Sweetwater unknown year

Please fly here and look to the left for Air Photos # 8:

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net

ENJOYMENT is the only rule!  Have a great time!!

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Hope Monday will be great,

CRAIG

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE- JEFFERSON STARSHIP-

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Jefferson Airplane Jefferson Starship Take Me To A Circus Tent
& landing soon:
The New Jefferson Starship Book:
"HAVE YOU SEEN THE STARS TONITE"

July 12, 2008

Welcome to Airshow #8:

Thoughts go out to the family of former Yankee Bobby Murcer on his passing.

Great job A-Rod homer #537!!

Thanks to you we have had to add more room on
the flight!  To say thanks 7 cool photos from the
Rock Tent Vaults.  Thanks to Ralph Temple.  Photos may not
be used without written consent of Ralph Temple.

Please fly here and when you land look to the flight side of the plane.

Go to the new photo section Jefferson Airshow #8 and they are waiting in

free-flight!

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net

1 Ringo Starr from 1985 Carl Perkins Special
2 Dave Edmunds and George Harrison from same special
3 Keith Emerson from the Nice 68
4 Roy Wood from the Move 1971
5 Corky Laing and Leslie West from Mountain 1970
6 Dave Gilmour from Pink Floyd (Date unknown)
7 Stephen Stills and Graham Nash from CSNY 74

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Be well always,

cf

Have a great flight,
craig

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane

style.

Welcome to the Rock World Weekend:

How did Friday go?

Glad you are are here.  Please spread the word that the new Jefferson Starship book is almost here with 179 photos!  The Jefferson's will be in Europe soon and Cathy Richardson told me how she was looking forward to seeing the great fans.

How about a chance of pace?  We have a McCartney song today but not by Paul.

It's Rod Stewart and the Faces from sometime in 1970 performing live:

Maybe I'm Amazed.

Cool sounds that I hope you'll like.

Thanks for being part of the weekend flight!

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/media/JeffersonAirplaneTakeMeToACircusTentAircast64areyouamazedhowquicklythiswascovered.mp3

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Thank you and enjoy the weekend,

craig

Please remember the new Jefferson Starship book

is not too far away!

Welcome Rockers:

How are things in your section of Airplane Land?

A cool one from the Rock Tent Vaults. They won't cut their hair but do offer a great version of a song we all know and love from the Airplane. Enjoy Wooden Ships live from:

Crosby, Stills, Nash, & Young

1974

Please fly here:

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/media/JeffersonAirplaneTakeMeToACircusTentAircast64itheywontcuttheirhairbutdohaveacoolship.mp3

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several. Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Hope Friday will be excellent,

CF

Someone left the cake out in the rain!

Und beim nächsten Song mal auf den Text achten:

... if you must leave my life
You leave me alone
and baby, long before you leave my life
Be sure you have your own

Außerdem hat 1968 Geburtstag und MacArthur Park ist in dem Jahr entstanden: Glückwunsch!

I heartily concur with the sentiments in this review of the Black Power Salute documentary in BBC4 last night. It was a straightforward talking-heads-with-archive-footage style documentary (expository mode), and - as is so often the case - it was a perfect example of why we don't necessarily need wacky presenter/participators, edgy camera work, or low-rent actors dramatising scenes from history. Or graphics! Catch the documentary on iPlayer until 17 July.

The 1968 Olympics are the first I remember, and I will never forget the sight of those guys on the podium with their fists in the air. This was at the time the most successful US team ever, and the most radical. 1968 was the year of revolution, the era of the Paris protests, the assassinations of Kennedy and King, the Prague Spring, the Tet Offensive, Enoch Powell's Rivers of Blood speech, student protests against the Viet Nam war, and "Street Fighting Man."

(White) America was terrified of the Black Power movement. Charles Manson's murderous campaign was based around his belief that there would be an apocalyptic war ("Helter Skelter") between blacks and whites in America. He tried to hurry it along by murdering middle-class white people and making it look as if black radicals were responsible. The students who competed in the Mexico Olympics on the US team were individuals who had had their consciousness raised. Their protests were powerful and effective, and all the more so (as the Guardian piece says) because they were on live TV.

I don't really want to watch this summer's Olympics, not for the sport (or the sponsorship), but I wouldn't want to miss anything as powerful as this, something that we might still be talking about in 40 years.

The Guardian ask for your most memorable live TV events. Mine are:

1. Mexico Olympics - Black Power Salute

2. Apollo 11 - Moon landing

3. Apollo 13 - abort! Abort!

4. 1973 World Cup qualifying - England v Poland (Abort!)

5. The second plane hitting the second tower on Sept 11 2001

p.s. 1968 was also of course the year of The White Album, Apple Records, and "Hey Jude." The double-A-side companion to "Hey Jude" was "Revolution." The latter was very much John Lennon at his best - an instant musical response to the world around him.

• Primele bombardamente americane asupra Vietnamului de Nord, pe 7 februarie.
• Doliu la Bucureşti: pe 19 martie moare Gheorghe GheorghiuDej; din 22 martie succesorul său este Nicolae Ceauşescu, cel care işi va lega numele în acelaşi an de Congresul al IX-lea al partidului şi de o nouă Constituţie a ţării.
• La Cannes, filmul Pădurea spânzuraţilor obţine Premiul pentru cea mai bună regie, prin Liviu Ciulei.

1966

• În aprilie, Michel Foucault publică Les Mots et les choses, volum ce va revoluţiona spaţiul intelectual european şi nord-american.
• Tot în aprilie, Mao Ţe Dun dă startul marii revoluţii culturale proletare chineze.
• În SUA, canalul NBC dă lovitura deceniului prin începutul difuzării serialului Star Trek, cu aventurile navei Enterprise conduse de căpitanul Kirk; după primele episoade, ofiţerul cu urechi ciudate, Spock, devine personajul preferat al telespectatorilor.
• În iulie, generalul De Gaulle retrage Franţa din structurile militare de comandă ale NATO; Cartierul general european al NATO părăseşte Parisul pentru Bruxelles.
• Indira Gandhi devine prim-ministru al Indiei.
• Din 1 octombrie, întreruperile de sarcină sunt interzise în Romania.

1967

• Pe 21 aprilie, puciul coloneilor impune în Grecia dictatura militară.
• Pe 5 iunie, Israelul lansează un atac fulger împotriva Egiptului şi a celorlalţi vecini arabi, într-un război care va dura şase zile.
• Pe 8 octombrie, liderul revoluţionar marxisto-castrist Che Guevara este prins de CIA şi executat.
• Pe 3 decembrie, cardiologul sud-african Christian Barnard operează primul transplant de inimă; pacientul supravieţuieşte 18 zile.
• Marea Britanie este primul stat ce dezincriminează homosexualitatea.
• În cursul toamnei, Make Love Not War devine refrenul campusurilor universitare americane.
• Gabriel Garcia Marquez lanseaza romanul Un veac de singurătate.

1968

• Până la începutul verii, revolte în valuri ale studenţimii din SUA, Franţa, Japonia etc.; cele mai spectaculoase evoluţii - în perimetrul Sorbonei pariziene.
• Între 14 şi 18 mai, Charles De Gaulle vizitează România.
• Pe 21 august, trupele Pactului de la Varşovia (fără România, neinvitată) pun capăt Primăverii de la Praga; este momentul de glorie al lui Nicolae Ceauşescu, autor al unui discurs curajos, ţinut din balconul CC-ului.
• Alte două asasinate zguduie America: liderul de culoare Martin Luther King şi Robert F. Kennedy, fratele fostului preşedinte.
• La Jocurile Olimpice din Mexic, România ocupă locul 10 în clasamentul neoficial pe naţiuni.
• Premiera capodoperei 2001 - O odisee spaţială, de Stanley Kubrick.

1969

• 21 iulie - un pas mic pentru om, un pas uriaş pentru omenire: astronautul american Neil Armstrong este primul om ce păşeşte pe Lună.
• Începând cu 15 august, 800 de mii de tineri participă la un imens concert la Woodstock.
• Lovitură de stat în Libia, pe 1 septembrie: Mohamer Gaddafi impune un regim de orientare moscovită.
• Între 6-12 august, la Bucureşti este întrunit Congresul X al PCR; în cadru oficial se anunţă că, numai în anul 1968, 208.300 de români trimiseseră scrisori şi cereri la C.C., iar 97 la sută dintre acestea erau adresate personal lui Nicolae Ceauşescu. Fără să bage de seamă, România reintrase în zodia Tătucului.

Quality Rock & Roll

Airplane style.

Welcome to the Rock Side:

Maybe it should be the rock slide because we have rare photos for you.

First, how are things going this week?

If you fly over to:

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net

there are way over 100 photos that await your eyes.  New ones have landed.

When you get off the plane please look to the left and click Photos #7.  Please

don't rush.  You have plenty of time between connecting flights.  Check out all

the great pictures through the years of Airplane Family and other rockers!

If you scroll down to the end of the page (but please check out all the gems)

you will now see thanks to Ralph Temple (All Photos- Copyrighted by Ralph Temple and

may not be used without his written consent):

Spencer Dryden from New Riders 72

Skip Spence Moby Grape 68

Roger Daltrey The Who 73

Roger Daltrey/Pete Townshend The Who 73

Pete Townshend The Who 73

John Kay Steppenwolf 72

Yankees did what they had to and that was win both games against the Rays.

Still they are farrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr back!

Wishing you a great flight!

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Hope the day will be great,

craig

CEDAC, the Cambodian Center for Study and Development in Agriculture, is one of those organizations that people who know me instinctively think I will (instinctively) dislike. But nope, for the most part, I think CEDAC does fantastic work, encouraging smallholder sustainability, helping reduce farmer debt, improving methods through institution based education, and much more importantly, encouraging farmers to hold mutual education and consultations, and promoting the benefits of organic and more natural farming methods. Perhaps the two most important things they do (though they won't say this outright most of the time, since it goes somewhat against the image of the Cambodian farmer itself) is to promote the diversification of crops grown by farmers - especially vegetables, and then helping to provide markets for these crops. In Rasmei Kampuchea today, CEDAC is quoted as claiming a pretty substantial set of successes:

“Mr. Lang Seng Houn showed figures that among 192 villages from five provinces, 14,300 families benefited from the project. the number of farmers who cooperated is 7,300, the living standard of 500 families changed greatly; 5,900 families experienced an average change, and 800 families got poorer. The number of women who have changed their attitudes and abandoned their old habits is 3,500, and the number of youth under the same category is 900. And 1,500 of the poorest families who sold their labor to have some income have changed their living standard and have become independent farmers; the livelihood of farmers in general is better. Generally, they can earn 80% more from the increase of the agricultural production and from the reduction of other expenses. They have stepped up the basis for this to retain the continuity of their production teams, and 718 teams have saved money - they have 6,000 families as members so that they are able to link their products to markets. Each family earns from Riel 1.4 million to Riel 2.6 million [approx. US$340 to US$635 per farming season] from their agricultural products; those are 427 families in Kompong Chhnang, Svay Rieng, and Kompong Cham. Their income is from paddy rice, from the breeding of chickens and pigs, and from the planting of vegetables and other crops.

via The Mirror

The Asia Times has an article by Megawati Wijaya about Asia's Angry Monk Syndrome. This is a disease I'd never heard of before, but apparently refers to the supposedly novel actions of monks in the public sphere, where they can be found - in the press suddenly, as in reality for a while - protesting, providing aid in contravention of junta-based demands, and other things.

John Whalen-Bridge, co-editor of a series of books on Buddhism, refers to the growing phenomenon as "angry monk syndrome", a flip way of referring to the clergy's departure from the pursuit of equanimity and raised-fist involvement in the call for political change and economic justice. Politically active monks are not an entirely new phenomenon. Western observers will likely recall the images of Vietnamese monk Thich Quang Duc, who, in protest against the corruption and repression of the South Vietnamese government, self-immolated himself in June 1963.

It's a worthwhile topic of conversation, but the keypoint I would highlight (and more needs to be said about this) is not that this type of action goes back as far as the period of decolonialization, but that the Sangha (the community of Buddhist monks) and governments are consistently imagined in a sort of productive tension with each other. In spite of governments' ability (throughout history) to nearly completely subsume and incorporate the Sangha, the Sangha is universally understood to symbolically occupy a moral place above that of kings and sovreigns. As one honored teacher told me recently, the main thing to understand about Buddhism and Kings is that they are always capable of policing each other. So, when kings insist that the Buddhist patriarchs purify the sangha (as happened momentously in Thailand's relatively recent history, and in Buddhist countries throughout their histories), we see merely the flipside of what is now being referred to as Angry Monk Syndrome - the policing of the sovreigns by the monks.

We should not, as is far too common, read this tension in a merely romantic mode, assigning the real sphere of morality to monks. The vast majority of the time, the Buddhasangha exists in a perfectly happy relationship with sovreigns, who as a matter of course predate on their subjects. Instead, our focus should be on (a) the conditions under which monks break free of their relationship with sovreigns, (b) the aims of the monks [re-establishment of a moral sovreignty? something else?], and (c) historical comparisons of the results of such monkish engagement.

Poor Rochom P'ngieng - if that is her real name. She's the 'jungle girl' who was supposedly found in the mountain jungles of northeastern Cambodia by a family which lost their daughter at the age of eight (18 years previously), and identified by the family as their long lost  daughter. Since she had apparently gone savage (she still 'cannot' speak, and talking in an 'animal-jungle' language, according to her family), and wanted to return to the forests, she spent much of her early months with her family bound and captive in their home. There's a tragedy in her somewhere, and very likely more than one. P'ngieng's story captures the imagination for many reasons: the family drama, the lack of certainty of her identity, but also for more cultural ones: the heavy emphasis in Cambodia on the distinction between the geographies of the forest (ព្រៃ) and the 'srok' (ស្រុក), in which the former is the domain of wildness and the latter the domain of civilization. In reality, Khmers travel between these domains all the time, but P'ngieng's story highlights the possibility of more permanent transitions, a possibility both terrifying and tantalizing to many Khmers, in my experience.

Maximilian Forte, over at Open Anthropology, has written a nice review post of several books on the worldwide revolution of 1968 (it's the fortieth anniversary, after all). My mother-in-law asked me the other day if we were starting to relive that period, and I could only reply that in many ways it was similar, but that this didn't necessarily make me hopeful. As Forte points out, citing Fred Halliday, the eventual outcome of the revolutions of 1968 were a consolidation of reactionary, right-wing, capitalist authority. We've lost so many of our elders to the so-called Reagan Democrats, death, and various forms of refusal; I've long thought one of the most important things that anybody can do is to insist on intergenerational relations.

So why do so many of those who were alive and active at the time celebrate 1968? First, it clearly was a revolution, or at least a series of revolutions. They failed, perhaps, but they were definitely revolutionary. That in itself is a cause for celebration. But a more insidious reason lurks, I think, behind these celebrations - they are for many a form of self-justification that allows their former participants to excuse their inaction while perserving their self-image. I was there, goes the story, and [it didn't work/I did my part/whatever]. Nostalgia is a virus. One hopes that this current incarnation of revolutionary action doesn't fall prey to what Marx referred to in his justly famous essay on the 'revolution of Napoleon the little':

Hegel remarks somewhere that all facts and personages of great importance in world history occur, as it were, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce.

For many of those who are 40 and older, 1968 stands out as an emblematic year for the transnational politics of dissent, for the development of countercultures and various avant gardes, for the emergence of non-class social movements, and the appearance of what some call the "revolution of the forgotten peoples" in the social sciences which turned more of their attention to African Americans, native peoples, women, gays, and a host of non-state actors. In almost every continent something happened that was tumultuous: Black Power, Red Power, Flower Power, and the anti-war movement in the United States; the Tet Offensive in Vietnam that marked a turnaround and the impending defeat of a superpower, falling into economic disarray and a hard bitten view of itself thereafter. At my university, Concordia, there were so-called "Black power riots" in the very building in which my office is located, which had international consequences that led to the Black Power Revolution of 1970 in Trinidad and Tobago, and one of the Concordia leaders, Rosie Douglas, would end up becoming the Prime Minister of Dominica. Admittedly, most of the discussions of 1968 focus almost exclusively on movements in Europe.

Previously I had commented on this blog that we seem to be living through a rewind of 1968, which in many ways misses out on what is distinctive about where we are 40 years later, what the alignment of social forces looks like, and what matters most on both orthodox and heterodox political agendas. A number of recent articles, books, and symposia have appeared seeking to assess the legacies of 1968, from a 2008 standpoint, and the assessments are, as can be expected, mixed. The points that are raised are very interesting nonetheless. This post comes in three parts below.

1. THE CUNNING OF HISTORY?

Fred Halliday, writing in Open Democracy in an article titled "1968: the global legacy" (13 June, 2008), presents us with the perspective of someone who was active and inspired by the global movements of protest and new movements in art, music, and public debate, but was nevertheless a failure in transformational terms. He notes that in no western European country, which in many analyses is the centre of what Wallerstein called the World Revolution of 1968, were the politics modified. Not only that, there was a right wing shift in Britain and France. If anything, the legacy of 1968 was an ambiguous one, he argues. Halliday is not militating against the ideas, perspectives and movements that marked 1968, rather he wishes to see more sober evaluations of its consequences: "The events were indeed extraordinary, and remain indelible. What is wrong in the memorialisation is the fetishism of the moment, and associated loss of perspective and overall judgment, which leads to three kinds of distortion of focus."

The first of these distortions caused by celebrations of 1968 was what he claims was the absence of feminism, coming only with second-generation feminism of 1969. When Halliday says 1968, he means to be very precise and calendrical about it, whereas others might see it as more of an emblematic, umbrella-like period that encompasses 1969 for certain. Nor is it universally true that feminism was absent from the movements of 1968. Halliday sees the second distortion coming in the indulgence of violence by certain sectors, whether urban guerrilla warfare or what would later be called terrorism. Finally, the third distortion in his view is the absence of "political realism" -- "the ability to match aspiration and imagination with a cool assessment of the balance of existing political forces."

Rather than a "world revolution," Halliday argues, 1968 ought to be seen as the start of an international/ "tricontinental" counterrevolution (I am not sure why these two cannot go together, since the latter seems to be premised on the former). Halliday takes us through a series of deadly anti-revolutionary transformations that occurred across the globe in the period, especially in the Soviet bloc and in China, and notes that the results led to the collapse of socialism as a viable alternative:

It is clear in retrospect that 1968 did not bury European capitalist democracy or American imperialism. It did, however, set in train the death and burial of the Russian and Chinese revolutions and of communism in western Europe. A fine example, indeed, of the cunning of history.

Unfortunately, what Halliday does not do is to present us with reasons why others instead celebrate 1968, and the transformations that they can point to. Moreover, many even on the left would not mourn the passing of either Soviet socialism or China's last serious attempt to claim that its revolution was a communist one.

•••••••

2. THE FUTURE OF 1968

A book edited by Martin Klimke and Joachim Scharloth, 1968 in Europe: A History of Protest and Activism, 1956-1977 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) presents a range of assessments that, while not the opposite of Halliday's, certainly present different angles of understanding. As the subtitle of the book suggests, 1968 stands not for a year of events but for two decades of events.

In the introduction, the editors begin by highlighting the degree to which students were focused on by the mass media as agents of protest, some even referring to a "student class" emerging that echoed the emergence of the nineteenth century working class in Europe. The protesters emphasized what they rightly saw as the lack of participatory democracy in their societies and their growing alienation from their societies. Capitalism was the target of critiques of authoritarianism and technocracy. Universities were to become the centres of revolutionary protest -- indeed, in my own memories of the transformation of the University of Rome's campus, into professor-less open air classes, mural paintings, and wine fueled meetings of communist youth, these were not the kind of shopping mall environments of today. The Vietnam war weighed heavily worldwide, and inspired revolutionary movements across the globe, not to mention celebratory songs, poems, novels, paintings, etc. Interestingly, while today's Iraq war has been protested across the globe, in virtually every country, there seems to be far less of the romance surrounding these insurgents -- no Jane Fondas ready to pose in photographs with them. Dictatorship was also clearly within the sights of protesters, whether Soviet-aligned regimes in the eastern half of the continent, or the military dictatorships of Portugal, Spain, and Greece.

For the editors of this volume one of the most outstanding features of "1968" (which they place in quotes), was that, "it transgressed the ideological fronts of the Cold War." The focus of their volume is on the transnational dimensions of "1968."

The roots of the movements associated with 1968 are to be found in what the editors calls the "long 1960s." As they say, "1968" stands as a metaphor (whereas for Halliday, it was a single year) for a history beginning with the Hungarian revolt of 1956 and the climax of political violence in Germany and Italy in 1977. Part of this transformation has to do with the emergence of the transnational New Left and the international peace movement. There was a departure from Marxist orthodoxy and its focus on the working class. Nonetheless, capitalism, materialism, and apathy were still targeted by these new movements.

Also of especial interest is the volume's discussion of counterculture. As the editors encapsulate it:

The youths' belief that they were more sentient than their parents' generation, and the hope of building a new society founded on tenderness met with the search for the "new man" in psychedelic music and drug experiences, in "free" sexuality, and in new forms of living and communication. The synaesthetic nature of rock music served as the colorful display and global transmitter of these new symbolic forms of living and communication. Portraits of musicians like Jimi Hendrix promised the same freedom as the images of Che Guevara or Ho Chi Minh, the only difference being that their freedom could be gained in the here and now. Meanwhile, these new symbolic forms of living and communication often provoked conflicts with both conservative elements in societies and state authorities and thus acquired a political dimension. Concerts by the Rolling Stones or Jimmie Hendrix often ended in outbreaks of violence.

The editors assert that, "nobody today seriously doubts that European societies were fundamentally transformed as a result of the events of 1968" -- even if we just finished reading Halliday to the contrary. As they argue, 1968 has had many afterlives and has been virtually canonized in popular memory, at least in Europe if not elsewhere. Let's not forget that a sizable portion of our current population lived through, and often took part in the events of 1968. Finally, as the editors remind us, Hannah Arendt (whose work will also be discussed on this blog) once wrote that "the children of the next century will once learn about 1968 the way we learned about 1848."

One of those youth was Tom Hayden. In a chapter titled, "The Future of 1968's 'Restless Youth'" recounts how he came to be involved:

I was 27 years old as the year 1968 unfolded. When the decade began, I was the first in my family to attend a university, and my non-conformist instincts led me to the campus paper and the sociology department at the University of Michigan. While pursuing an institutional career, I was a follower of Jack Kerouac as well, whose On The Road was published in my senior year, 1957. During that same year, black high school students integrated a high school in Bill Clinton's Little Rock, Arkansas, amidst beatings, insults and federal military protection. Two years later, after I directly encountered black students risking their lives in the South, I became a committed activist.

Incidentally, he also outlines the extent to which the Johnson administration was worried by student protest movements and plans for spying on American students. Tom Hayden wonders why the CIA should have concerned itself -- when he helped draft the 1962 manifesto of Students for a Democratic Society, he says it was "hardly the Communist Manifesto" and more of a "statement of middle class anxiety." The main foci of his concern were racism and the nuclear arms race. As he says in the piece, their prophets were not Marx and Lenin, but John Dewey, C. Wright Mills, and J.D. Salinger.

Hayden is not euphoric, even when he highlights the energy, hope and promise of 1968. As he himself writes:

Then, as it reached its peak of frenzy, about 1969-70, one could feel the tide begin to turn. The movements themselves were convulsed by division. The Marxist sectarians were not dead at all, merely hatching in the garbage we left unattended. After factions ripped its body apart, SDS was closed down as "too bourgeois." No one could transcend the inevitability of the women's movement as it shredded the male hierarchies. The counterculture was shocked by Altamont and Manson. Drug euphoria devolved into the dark trips of paranoia, depression, and schizophrenia. Thousands of veterans came home with bad papers and strung out. Richard Nixon - wasn't he the man we thought we dumped in 1960, the year it all began? - soon became president of the United States.

And yet, he emphasizes, there were lasting transformations and immediate changes that occurred as a result of the long 1960s. Hayden lists these as follows:

• The Vietnam War began to end in 1969 and imploded in the years 1973-75; Nixon and his vice president, Spiro Agnew, were driven from office;
• The compulsory military draft was ended;
• The War Powers Act was passed as a curb on the imperial presidency;
• The Democratic Party and national election rules were radically reformed;
• Earth Day arose apparently from nowhere, historical environmental laws were passed, and the planet Earth was seen in a photo for the very first time;
• After 25 years of failing passage, the 18-year-old vote became law;
• Black studies, Latino studies, women's studies, and environmental studies were integrated into the curriculum of high schools and universities;
• Everyone was humming The Yellow Submarine and quoting Allen Ginsberg;
• Several national blue-ribbon commissions (the Kerner report on the ghettos, the Scranton report on the campuses, the Walker report on Chicago) seemed to vindicate the New Left analysis of causes and solutions.

This does not mean that the 1968 protests were not eventually appropriated by the state, for as Hayden notes, "when order was reformed, order was restored."

Hayden also argues that the 1960s are "far from over." He cites Bill Clinton as the one to outline the basic dividing line in American politics being "between those with a generally favorable view of the Sixties phenomenon (who tend to be Democrats) and those who are still attempting to erase the achievements of the Sixties altogether (the neo-conservatives, for example)." Hillary Clinton was also at least an observer at the Chicago protests of 1968. It is ironic then that one side of 1968, the rise of African Americans in the national political panorama, should clash head on with another side, women's rights, in 2008.

Nonetheless, he is hopeful, and notes that one of the main blocs of anti-war supporters today are those ranging from the late 40s to the late 60s in age. Che Guevara has achieved a kind of global martyrdom. And as Hayden believes, "sooner or later, the new generations will question and resist the programmed future of counter-terrorism, economic privatization, environmental chaos, and sordid alliances justified in the name of this War [on Terror]."

Hayden hopes for a peaceful transition away from imperialism and empire, and that there can be an improved quality of life after empire. Unfortunately, he thinks Canadians may be among those to show Americans the way -- perhaps Hayden has been down so long that it all looks like up to him.

•••••••

3. 1968, SOCIETIES IN CRISIS: A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE (INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE)

This last item brings us right here to Montreal, to Concordia University, and I am very much looking forward to this and will try to present a report after the event has concluded. An international conference, In English and French, is to be held at Concordia on November 3, 2008, titled "1968, Societies in Crisis: A Global Perspective."

The conference description is as follows:

1968-2008: forty years later, the crisis of 1968 are still a source of nostalgia, pride or resentment to those who took part in them. By virtue of their impact and their scope, they continue to attract the attention of scholars. The ongoing interest in the events of "1968" may be explained by their many dimensions: they may be seen as periods of challenge to political power and authority, and as movements of student and trade union revolt. The ‘crisis of 68' represent the apogee of the aspiration to freedom and change in societies exasperated by the status quo and respect for social and ethical codes considered obsolete. These general protest movements also found an echo because of their global dimension: they swept Quebec, the United States, Europe, Africa and Latin America. In the framework of the fortieth anniversary of the events of 1968, the Lucienne Cnockaert Chair in the history of Europe and Africa (Université de Sherbrooke and Bishop's University), the Concordia University Chair in the study of Quebec (Sociology and Anthropology department of Concordia University), the Groupe de recherche interuniversitaire sur le Québec et ses relations internationales (GRIQUERE) (Interuniversity research group on Quebec and its international relations) and the Groupement interuniversitaire sur l'histoire des relations internationales contemporaines (GIHRIC) (Interuniversity group for the history of contemporary international relations) are organizing a conference entitled 1968, Societies in Crisis : a global perspective. The conference will seek, on the one hand, to analyze the interconnections, influences or distinctive characteristics of the crisis associated with 1968 and on the other, to compare these crisis by placing them in the sociopolitical perspective of the Sixties (decolonization in Africa, thaw in the Cold War, Vietnam War and, in Quebec, Quiet Revolution, among other factors). The object is to undertake a comprehensive, comparative and interlinked rereading of the ‘springtimes' of 1968 in order to understand the social, economic and political origins of the different movements, observe the issues involved as well as the development and outcome of the crisis, and finally, determine the significance and impact of the events of 1968 and their place in the collective memories of Europeans, Africans and Americans.

What is noteworthy is not just that my colleague, Jean-Philippe Warren is one of the organizers (a prolific writer who publishes a book a year, and if he blogged would probably blog me right off the Internet), but that unlike the first two items in this post, this conference promises a less Eurocentric focus on 1968.

Great Society- Take Me To A Circus Tent

Quality Rock & Roll Airplane style.

Hello from Air Patrol:

How are you?

Jefferson Starship videos anyone?  Thanks to Doug Moon how about a journey

of sight/sound/rock and roll!

Please fly here for information and enjoy the flight.

http://www.takemetoacircustent.net/index.php?pr=J.Airshow_Photos_7

Wishing you a great flight!

Relax and have fun!

JEFFERSON AIRPLANE-

JEFFERSON STARSHIP- Great Society-

Take Me To A Circus Tent

I look forward to hearing you later!

The book is Take Me To A Circus Tent (The Jefferson Airplane Flight Manual) W/93 photos, 32 interviews, 543 pages, and a myriad of 5 star reviews!

Please remember at any moment on an Aircast it can be a rare memory from the Jefferson Airplane, Jefferson Starship, KBC, Wooden Ships, Marty Balin, Paul Kantner to name several.  Maybe another picture previously unseen from the Rock Tent Vault sees daylight from Herb Greene or Don Aters.

Hope Wednesday will be great,